06/2010 Theatrum historiae
Permanentní URI k tomuto záznamuhttps://hdl.handle.net/10195/38290
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Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Modlitební knihy jako pramen k obrazu zbožnosti a genderovým konstruktům 19. století(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Čevelová, ZuzanaThis article is devoted to 19th-century Catholic prayer books as a source for understanding everyday life. Prayer books may also partially serve as a source for reconstructing gender constructs – the social roles of men and women as presented by the Catholic church. It presents various types of prayer books, particularly Baroque prayer books, taking Kochem’s Nebeklíč (= Key to Heaven) as an example. Attention is also given to enlightenment prayer books as well as the more recent prayer books of the second half of the 19th century, to various translations besides the original Czech works (the prayer books of Magdalena Dobromila Rettigová, Josefa Škoda, Jan Alois Dreml). Comparing the Nebeklíč and Hauber’s Domácí poklad (= Household Treasure) gives us a picture of the typical content of a 19th-century prayer book, which is essentially the same today. Attention also focuses on prayers written specifically for the different sexes, particularly for women. On closer study it is evident that women were offered more specific prayers to accompany them practically all the way through the different stages of their lives, from being a single maiden, through engagement, marriage, motherhood, to widowhood. Masculinity is dealt with far less in prayer books, as though men did not have any specific needs, or are included in the prayers to be said together by married couples. Even so, here prayer books are divided up into prayer books for women and prayer books for men, something which is considered specific to Catholicism. Prayer books are still researched, though mostly by ethnographers or literary studies (particularly into handwritten prayer books), and in terms of their content are only used marginally by researchers. Therefore, possible new interpretations open up in this respect. This is a source which needs to be combined with other sources of the same provenance. Compared to other types of sources (religious periodicals or sermons), prayer books show a picture of piety and in their own way can help us to understand attitudes towards both sexes at that time. Prayer books as such can help research into the development of language culture, how foreign examples were adopted, and, last but not least, provide an insight into the universality of the stance of the Catholic Church. The study also contains an example of the contents of prayer books.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Acerca de las actividades de los jesuitas Bohémicos en las misiones de Baja California (siglos XVII y XVIII)(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Kašpar, OldřichČlánek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Člověk a dluhy. Příklad šlechtice z 15. století. Osobnost Voka V. z Holštejna(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Papajík, DavidThe author of this study follows the fate of the aristocrat Vok the Fifth of Holštejn, which is corroborated by written records dating back to between 1420 and 1466. The aim of the work is to show how it was possible to fall into the bankruptcy trap in the first half of the 15th century. While Vok’s father of the same name had relatively extensive property in Moravia, Vok the Fifth lost practically all of it during his lifetime. His entire life was dogged by permanent, endless debts. The author comes up with the likely hypothesis that the bankruptcy of Vok the Fifth of Holštejn was caused by the Hussite Wars, or rather the debts he accumulated during the course of these wars. If this theory is correct, it would make Vok the Fifth one example of a noble who, instead of getting rich through Hussitism, was financially ruined.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished „…bylo by strašně kruté, nechat nás v bryndě uprostřed nezaplacených pohledávek.“ Role peněz v počátcích avantgardních scén(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Rauchová, JitkaDer Beitrag widmet sich der ökonomischen Situation der avantgardistischen Theaterszenen die in der zweiten Hälfte der 20iger Jahre in Prag entstanden sind. Konkret werden die Szenen Umělecké studio (Kunststudio), Osvobozené divadlo (Befreites Theater), divadlo Dada (Theater Dada) und Moderní studio (Modernes Studio) behandelt. Aus der Korrespondenz, den persönlichen Erinnerungen der Schauspieler und Regisseure oder auch aus den buchhalterischen Unterlagen und Werbeblättern sind die Schwierigkeiten des Betreibens einer neuen Szene zu rekonstruieren. Zu beachten ist aber auch die Entwicklung moderner Präsentationen und die sich stets verbessernden arbeitsrechtlichen Beziehungen, die sich von einem Amateurtheater zu einer professionellen Szene entwickelten. Reflektiert wurde aber auch die private Situation der einzelnen Akteure. Aus ökonomischer Sicht haben sich die Vorstellungen der Mitglieder der avantgardistischen Szenen, die sich ein breites Publikum für ihr künstlerisch anspruchsvolles Repertoire gewünscht haben, als unrealistisch erwiesen. Deshalb mussten die meisten Szenen ihre finanzielle Sicherung bei privaten Mäzenen suchen oder ihre eigenen künstlerischen Ansprüche senken.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished „… a proto odměněn byl stipendiem seminárním.“ Příspěvek ke studiu studentské kapsy na přelomu 19. a 20. století(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Blümlová, Dagmar; Blüml, JosefAuthors of the text have been engaged in the study of inventive figures from mentioned historical period for a long time already. The essay is anchored in their rich experience with different kinds of ego-documents from that time, especially correspondence, daybooks, memoirs, small glosses and imaginative literature. The model of a student as a socially unanchored and financially dependent person, which can be found in the history from medieval times, these authors confront with the new situation of so-called modern times. Using concrete examples, the authors illustrate the fact, that from the 19th century students' financiall indemnity started to increase and gradually shaped some kind of system. The basic methods of acquiring money for school were still conditions. In connection with emergence of new newspapers and publishers the possibilities of external work for money broadened. Fundations were also very important; some of them had a character of assemblage. Universities started to provide a pension system as well (school reference and social pension). After the creation of independent state possibilities of travelling pension also broadened. Authors of this study deal with subjective factors related to institutional pension system, phenomenon of favouritism and its ambivalent reflection as well.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Barbora Markéta Eliášová: Nippon druhým domovem. První česká samostatná cestovatelka, její život a literární dílo(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Rázková, BohumilaThe work is dedicated to the first Czech independent traveler Barbora Markéta Eliášová. The author tries to describe her fruitful and interesting life. As an orphan and poor village child, she made her dream come true and she became a teacher. After that she decided to concentrate to go and search for the luck far away in Japan. She found a second home there and she came back really very glad. Those journeys to Japan were prolonged with thirteen-moths traveling trip via Java, Bali, Australia and South Africa. Upon the experiences she had, she also wrote several travel books. The author is introducing the travel books from her fourth journey to Japan, as well as the overview of her literary work, newspapers articles, magazine articles and belles letters for youth that she worked on after her active traveling years until she died.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Peníze v životě měšťanek předbělohorského období(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Hrubá, MichaelaThis study focuses on the relationship women had with money in Bohemian towns before the Battle of White Mountain. The introduction takes account of the interest of historiography in researching women’s issues in early modern towns in general. In particular it returns to the idea of the emancipation of Renaissance women in the older literature and the opinions of contemporary historiography as regards this topic. It subsequently recapitulates the role and form of money in the life of townswomen in their individual lifecycles. From the commemorative valuable coins that were placed in the cradle, through the coins used to adorn jewellery, to the cash girls received in the form of a dowry. Attention also briefly focuses on the education of town girls in large numbers. Then, taking the royal town of Louny as an example, it focuses attention on the individual types of sources which could show the relationship townswomen had with money. These are mostly sources of a financial nature, such as property censuses (valuations) of burgher assets, which identified a small group of Louny townswomen as the owners of extensive property. Records of trade and craft charges were also used, where women were mostly listed as greengrocers or distillers. What also proved to be of interest were the sources relating to inheritances, inventories and last wills. There is even a mention of lists of widows who levied money as so called “herwet”. In the light of the sources, the relationship townswomen had towards money was a multifaceted one. They appear as independent farmers, traders or merchants wherever the law or the situation permitted. Most, however, remained in the household, which was their principal domain for the whole of the early modern times. The study concludes by saying that if a townswoman had access to money – inherited it, managed to earn it and count it, she could do what she liked with it – in a certain sense money opened up a public space for her. Not a space associated with local government or politics, but in the economic sphere or in social and cultural life, in the broad sense of the words.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Peněžní deníky „druhého pohlaví“ ve druhé polovině „dlouhého“ 19. století(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Lenderová, MilenaThe structure of expenses depended on the amount of money the husband brought into the family. This money was not always enough – something which was true not only of the 19th century. Women always worked side by side with their husbands and contributed to the family income. They also generally managed the housekeeping money. In the 19th century the basic expenses were on rent, money for food, fuel for heating, school fees, and essential outlay on medical treatment, clothing, and clothing maintenance. They had to think about old age, sudden death, or misfortunes that could occur with their property: this was when insurance first originated. We can get an insight into the structure of expenses of individual families primarily from sources of a personal nature, such as wills, memoirs, personal diaries and private correspondence, although especially from household money diaries, which most women kept. Only a few of these have been preserved, although enough to allow us to say that consumption was not only determined by social status and the financial resources of the family, but also by where they lived. The consumption habits of urban families differed from those of rural families; much less food was bought in villages. Buying habits were influenced by the season of the year, with autumn in particular costing more. People shopped differently on weekdays, differently on Fridays and other fasting days, and differently on Sundays: people shopped on a daily basis, and foods, with the exception of long-lasting goods, were not stocked up on: milk, meat, bread and vegetables needed to be bought every day. Expenses on fancy goods, such as southern fruit, luxury smoked meats or chocolate, were rare. From the end of the 19th century women began to become involved on the labour market.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Monety pośmiertne Piastów legnicko-brzeskich(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Pienkowski, RobertČlánek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Ukončení poručenské správy nezletilých osob v raně novověkém městském prostředí(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Slavíčková, PavlaAccording to municipal law of the Early Modern Period a tutelage of an orphanusually ended in two ways: when the orphan reached the full-age or died before. Less frequent reason for ending a tutelage was depriving the tutor of his duties because of faults in the administration of orphans´ heritage. In the case that a widow-woman happens to be the tutor of the children, we speak about tutela anomala. This kind of tutelage was usually ended after her new marriage. In that case usually, at least in practice, either an adult son of the family or widow's new husband became the tutor. The duty of every tutor, with the exception of the so called powerful-father tutor, was to render accounts to the orphan at the end of the tutelage and, in the case of his fault, to pay deficiency. After that the orphan becomes a full-fledged owner of the iherited property. In practice, however, the process of getting the money back to the full-aged child, whether it had been placed on deposit at the townhall or at the tutors', usually protracted for many years. Thelaw was also concerned with money lent at interest during the period of tutelage. The full-aged orphan could not take his/her property all at once, but in installments, into which the loan was divided. The tutor did not profit unless the child, or all the children, have died, in that case the tutor was entitled to the third part of the orphan's heritage. According to the law tutor is not entitled to any remuneration, the performance of this duty was therefore probably primarily a matter of personal honor and self-presentation.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Profesoři Hermenegild a Karel Škorpilové působící v Bulharsku(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Skružný, LudvíkКарел Шкорпил (1859-1944) живее в България 62 години. Там допринася за развитието на българската образователна система, на науката, археологията, музей- ното дело и българо – чехословашките културни отношения. От 1926 г. е почетен консул на Чехословакия в Варна. Почти пет десетилетия Карел Шкорпил пътува по България и събира материали, не само за древната история, но и за нейният фолклор, интересува се от архитектура, не само християнската и тази на местните, но и от тази на османските завоеватели; спасява застрашени паметници от времето на „игото” и възникването на модерният български народ. Събраните материали излага в музей- ни стаи, възникващи в гимназиите, където тези стаи въздействат на учащите се мла- дежи. И през войната провежда изследвания, снима, измерва паметници, оправя и допълва военни карти на България и на окупираните земи в съседните държави. Шест десетилетия мисли над тежките въпроси, свързани с историята на България и балканските държави, проследява стари търговски и военни пътища, включително и тези, по които до Варна е стигнала армията на Владислав III. Ягело, за да извоюва там решаваща за християнският свят и Европа битка, на 10.11.1444. Съсредоточава се върху нумизматиката, сфрагистиката, палеографията, историческа демография, геог- рафията и иконографията. Благодарение на знанието на тези помощни исторически науки е можел по-вярно да реши историческите въпроси, и да покаже доказателства, че Плиска е по-старият, от Велики Преслав, център на държавата. Заключенията от своите проучвания публикува на страниците на различни списания.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Československá vojenská mise v Kanadě za 2. světové války – předhistorie(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Jiránek, TomášThe Czechoslovakian exile government also needed to back up its political activity with military force. Therefore it attempted to built and strengthen Czechoslovakian foreign units, but there was a lack of human resources. Therefore the National Defence Ministry tried to find volunteers from the compatriotic minorities across the Atlantic, particularly in Canada and in the United States of America. Therefore, an army mission was planned and sent out to prepare and carry out a recruitment campaign. Their work was preceded by a few relatively long months of negotiations with the British and Canadian authorities in order to clarify what was wanted on all sides and to lay down the conditions for the work of the Czechoslovakian army mission in America.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Peněžní obchod pražských židů v době předbělohorské(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Buňatová, MarieMit den wirtschaftlichen Veränderungen der frühneuzeitlichen Gesellschaft an der Wende vom 15. zum 16. Jahrhundert kam es schrittweise zur Legalisierung des christlichen Kreditwesens und zur wachsenden Konkurrenz in diesem Bereich. Diese Veränderungen zeigten sich auch in der Legislative, wo die erlaubten und verbotenen Formen des Kreditwesens, die Art der Besicherung und Eintreibung von Krediten neu definiert und der Höchstzinssatz festgelegt wurden. Für Christen wurde der maximale Zinssatz 1484 mit 10 % festgelegt und 1543 auf 6 % gesenkt. Die Hauptgrundsätze des jüdischen Geldhandels wurden 1497 im Wladislaw´schen Judenverordnung festgelegt. Danach war es den Juden erlaubt, Geld einmal gegen Pfand zu leihen, oder sie durften diese Darlehen durch einfache Schuldscheine sichern oder sie in amtlichen Büchern registrieren lassen. Der Zinssatz bewegte sich je nach Höhe des Darlehens zwischen 20–24 %. Mit dieser Anordnung wurden die grundlegenden Rahmenbedingungen für den Kredithandel abgesteckt, in dem sich das jüdische Kredit bis 1623 bewegte, als Ferdinand II. den jüdischen Kredit auf 24,75 % festlegte. Ein deutlicher Einschnitt in das jüdische Kreditwesen war eine rechtliche Regelung, die in die verneuerte Landesordnung aus dem Jahre 1530 eingearbeitet und dann auch in deren neue Versionen aus den Jahren 1549 und 1564 übernommen wurde. Nach dieser Regelung war es den Juden verboten, ihre Kredite in irgendeiner Form in amtlichen Büchern zu registrieren oder die gewährten Kredite mit Schuldscheinen zu versichern, erlaubt war fortan nur die Pfandleihe. Diese Einschränkung ist wohl das Hauptproblem beim jüdischen Kreditwesen des 16. Jahrhunderts, denn eine Kreditvergabe unter diesen Bedingungen stellten für die jüdischen Gläubiger ein großes Risiko und nur minimale Garantien dafür da, dass ihre Darlehen zurück flossen. Diese Situation stand für die damaligen jüdischen Unternehmer bereits im Widerspruch zu ihren aktuellen Bedürfnissen und dem realisierten Umfang ihres Finanz- und Warengeschäfts und diskriminierte sie gegenüber den christlichen Unternehmern deutlich. Wie doch die Eintragungen in den Quellen zeigen, diese Verbote wurden nicht voll respektiert. Eine weitere Diskriminierung war für die Juden das Verbot, ihre Rechten an den gewährten Krediten auf Dritte zu übertragen, ebenso das Verbot, dass Christen ihre Forderungen auf Juden übertrugen. Doch auch diese Einschränkungen wurden sowohl von Juden als auch von Christen nicht immer vollständig respektiert, und beide Seiten übertrugen ihre Forderungen auf andere Personen, und zwar per sog. Inhaber-Schuldscheine, die in der 2. Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts zu einer juristischen Form wurde, die eine ähnliche Funktion wie ein Wechsel erfüllte. In den Gläubiger- Schuldner-Beziehungen traten die Juden als Gläubiger auf, manchmal aber liehen sie sich auch selbst etwas von Christen. Mit dem Kreditwesen befassten sich vor allem reiche Prager Juden, die dem Herrscher, dem höheren und dem niederen Adel Kredite gewährten, ebenso wie Bürgern und Händlern. Andererseits aber brauchten die jüdischen Händler auch Bargeld zur Bezahlung abgenommener Waren oder andere Aktivitäten und suchten christliche Kreditgeber auf. An einer Reihe von sehr riskanten geschäftlichen Transaktionen beteiligten sich dann christliche und jüdische Spekulanten zusammen und hatten dann Anteil am Gewinn. zusammengefasst von der AutorinČlánek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Ženy a peníze v českých zemích ve středověku a novověku(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Grossmannová, DagmarIf we look at the relationship between women and money in numismatic terms, in the history of Bohemia we can find several interesting women who minted their own money or were at least involved in the production of money. In the Middle Ages these included Duchess Emma Regina († 1006), the wife of the Bohemian Duke Boleslaus II, and Eufemia of Hungary († 1111), the wife of the Olomouc duke Ota I the Fair. From the Silesian princely family of Legnica-Brzeg we know of several women who acquired the right to mint their own coins upon the death of their husband and with their own sons not having come of age. These are Anna Těšínská (†1367), Anna Maria of Anhalt († 1605) and Ludvika of Anhalt († 1680). In the Těšín family, Princess Elizabeth Lucretia († 1653) was granted the right to mint her own coins in 1638 by Emperor Ferdinand III. Women’s minting came to a majestic peak in Bohemia with Queen Maria Theresa (1740-1780). In the 16th century women also appear in the Bohemian mints (Prague and Jáchymov), where after the death of their husband (master of the mint) they took on the running of the mint, at least for a certain amount of time. Even in somewhat unfortunate lines of “business”, such as counterfeiting money, there was generally a woman who acted as a faithful partner for her husband.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Poutníci a jejich peníze na cestě do Říma. Zamyšlení nad edicí Il Libro del pellegrino (Siena, 1382–1446)(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Zaoral, RomanThe pilgrim book (Il Libro del pellegrino) of the hospital of Our Lady della Scala in Siena from 1382–1446 represents an accurately guided document on monetary deposits in one of the most important church institutions in Siena. A large-scale set of specie registered in this book is an interesting witness to the movement of money in circulation in late medieval Europe. Seven pilgrims from the lands of the Bohemian Crown are mentioned in the entries from 1384–1433: two come from Bohemia, four from Moravia and one from Silesia. Further two other pilgrims with an ambiguous geographic assignment seem to be considered. The book, however, does not register all pilgrims who visited Siena on the way to Rome. It mentions only those who deposited their cash in the hospital with the intention to withdraw it on the way back. The writer compares registered deposits with amounts intended for the pilgrimage to Rome (4–5 pounds of Prague groschens in the lower middle class and 8–10 pounds in the higher middle class) which have been entered into the memorable city book of Olomouc dated back to 1430–1492. He distinguishes sums intended to the way back (1,5–8 pounds) from petty cash (within the range of 4–35 Prague groschens) which could suffice for just few days. At average speed of 40 km per day it is possible to suppose that the journey from the Czech lands to Rome (about 1 300 km) could last about 37–38 days with 5–6 days of rest. At average expense of 3 Prague groschens per day which roughly corresponds with the most common summer daily wage of a journeyman, a pilgrim was able to manage for about 85 days with 4 pounds of Prague groschens, it was enough for a return journey and for about ten days´ stay in Rome. If he took 5 pounds with him he could stay in Italy for one month. A double amount of 8–10 pounds presumably served as a nest-egg for the case of illness or of accident. In better case it could provide travel luxury. Contrary of the testimonies it is not possible to judge from deposits of the social status of their bearers. Money of pilgrims predominantly consisted of gold coins contained in more than 70 % of all registered deposits. Larger amounts were mostly deposited by those pilgrims who were coming from the far-away regions and by old priests who started on a journey with all their belongings in conviction not to come back any more. That is a case of Florian of Kočov, chaplain in Volyně (South Bohemia), who gave 20 florins into custody of friars in Siena. The entries in the pilgrim book of Siena document that Florentine florins, Venetian ducats and Hungarian florins belonged to the most frequent gold specie in Italy that time, Prague and Flemish groschens occurred most often among silver coins. From the given data which mention a value of money very sporadically it is, however, not possible to make even an approximate estimation of the sum total of money which flew into the hospital. We can just suppose that the sum total of 2 500 florins which represent the value of all 328 deposits registered by 1410 did not get entire to the hospital treasury because many deposits have been withdrawn in the meantime. Just a part of them remained after those pilgrims who died in the hospital and whose deposits have never been withdrawn. Nevertheless, it was still a relatively large amount which was continuously becoming a hospital ownership.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Dva příběhy z kriminálního podsvětí – padělatelé peněz na hradě Žampachu a přepadání Židů v roce 1542(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Šebek, FrantišekOn around June 20th 1542, near Chlumec nad Cidlinou (at that time the estate of Jan of Pernštejn) two suspects were arrested: Jan Krška and the tavern-keeper Pavel of Nový Hrádek (district of Náchod). When interrogated on the rack, both confessed to having been involved in an attack on a convoy of Jews who, at the order of the Bohemian Landtag and King Ferdinand I, were being forced to leave the country. Jan Krška confessed to other crimes, including involvement in the counterfeiting of money at Žampach Castle (district of Ústí nad Orlicí). Owing to the severity of this crime the case was passed on to Jan of Pernštejn’s estate officials in Pardubice. There, when questioned on the rack, a statement was wrung out of a tavern-keeper from Starý Ples (district of Hradec Králové), Jiří Vodička, who had been arrested as an accomplice on the basis of the confessions made by the aforementioned criminals. On July 10th 1542 Jan Krška and Jiří Vodička, convicted of counterfeiting money, were burnt at the stake in Pardubice; Pavel of Nový Hrádek was hung for his offences. The main person behind the counterfeiting workshop, the smith Jan of Žampach, was then arrested. On July 20th he was interrogated on the rack in the royal town of Vysoké Mýto (district of Ústí nad Orlicí) and was also burnt there on the same day. The statements of all four criminals were transcribed in the Achtbuch kept in Pardubice. The study analyses the statement records and attempts to reconstruct the work of the counterfeiting workshop at Žampach Castle as well as the circumstances surrounding the raid on the Jews. The counterfeiting workshop operated from 1537 to 1538, possibly between 1536 and 1539, in the cellars of the then unoccupied Žampach Castle. The smith Jan was assisted by the journeyman Jan Smolík and the aforementioned Jan Krška, who also distributed the counterfeit money further afield. Other partners in crime (the tavern-keeper Vodička and others) supplied the counterfeiters with sheet copper and copper pots, which were generally stolen. In the workshop they minted Görlitz black money, Viennese money (½ kreutzer) and the Austrian groschen (3 kreutzers). These forgeries were exchanged for real money at the ratio of 2 : 1. When questioned, they gave the names of 24 people to whom they had passed on counterfeit money, in some cases on several occasions. We can only make a hypothetical estimate of how much money was counterfeited at the workshop at Žampach, but we assume they minted roughly 10-20 thousand coins. The testimony of Jiří Vodička also implies that there was a workshop counterfeiting small coins in the village of Úhlejov (district of Jičín), which can be dated approximately to 1510-1530; the tavern-keeper Vodička also met distributors of small counterfeit Polish coins. From the statements of Jan Krška, Jiří Vodička and Pavel of Nový Hrádek we can reconstruct two attacks on convoys of Jews who, in June 1542, after being expelled from Bohemia, were travelling to Silesia and on to Poland. Both attacks were made by a group of 50-60 bandits (the statements list the names of almost 35 people from 15 localities). The core of the group consisted of the inhabitants of villages and towns on the road leading from Dobruška to Nový Hrádek below Frymburk and then on to Olešnice in the Orlické Mountains (Adlergebirge) and from there to Homol in Kłodzko (Poland). The bandits first attacked below Homol, where the Polskie Wrota pass begins on its route inland towards Kłodzko. The core of the same group, probably emboldened by the success of the assault at Homol, held up another convoy of Jews on their way to a more remote destination deep within Eastern Bohemia. The meeting point was at Jiří Vodička’s tavern in Starý Ples. The attack took place on or just before June 20th 1542 on Chloumek Hill in the cadastre of Habřina (district of Hradec Králové). This assault was evidently not as successful, as it was at least partially dispersed by the armed escort of the Jewish convey, as can be seen from the fate of Jan Krška and Pavel of Nový Hrádek, who were captured while on the run somewhere near Chlumec nad Cidlinou. This reconstruction greatly enhances our knowledge of the unsettled events surrounding the exodus of the Jews from Bohemia in 1542.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Peníze a peněžní početní jednotky v 16. století(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Vorel, PetrThe author defines the term “monetary calculation unit” in the economic context of the Early Modern Times and explains why, until the 16th century, this virtual concept was of exceptional importance. The specific use of monetary calculation units in the economic system of the time is explained taking as an example a unique preserved Hamburg exchange-rate table dating from 1595. The article then systematically summarises the development of monetary calculation units and their usage in Bohemia from the end of the 15th century to the beginning of the 17th century. The study also features examples of period summaries of the payment power of foreign coins dating from the 1570s and concise tabular summaries of Bohemian monetary calculation units and their equivalents in the physical coins minted between 1469 and 1619.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Finanční zajištění židovských uprchlíků v době první světové války v Čechách(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Habartová, KláraThe First World War struck the north-eastern part of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, Halič and Bukovina, where the great majority of the population consisted of Jews. The battles on the eastern front at the beginning of the war forced the largest wave of refugees inwards into the Austro-Hungarian monarchy in two directions, along the main railway lines running southwest through Hungary to Vienna and northwest via Přemyšl and Kraków into Moravia, Bohemia, and Austria. After the asylum camps in Moravia had filled up by the beginning of November 1914, the new influx of refugees left for Bohemia, where their stay was funded by the Habsburg monarchy through its political offices. In Bohemia the Jewish refugees were placed in all the political districts that existed at that time, in large cities as well as in small villages. The state provided the refugees with maintenance support, which was increased several times during the First World War. Jewish trusts and charitable associations also provided a great deal of assistance. The refugees were housed in all kinds of vacant premises and rooms imaginable. This accommodation often did not even have basic hygiene facilities. To prevent the spread of infectious diseases, the refugees were vaccinated, given medical checkups and inspected to ensure they were clean. The refugee children went to the local schools or special schools were set up for them. Everyone, not just the Jewish refugees, was exhorted to work by threats that their state benefits would be stopped. They worked in factories, helped out on farms and in households, or made a living by doing craftwork. Some refugees were drafted into the army if they were the right age. Relations between the refugees and the resident population, including the local assimilated Jews, varied from place to place in Bohemia and changed often during the war. The Jewish refugees were constantly being forced by the central authorities to repatriate or to voluntarily return to their homes in Halič and Bukovina. New refugees came to replace them, however, released from refugee camps in Bohemia and Moravia. These waves of emigrants and immigrants meant that the number of refugees in the different towns and villages was continually changing, so it is not possible to say exactly how many refugees there were in a particular area. On October 28th 1918 the Republic of Czechoslovakia was established. All refugees, regardless of nationality or creed, had to be repatriated back to their homeland by the end of 1919. The Jewish refugees from Halič and Bukovina had both a positive and negative influence on the life of the people of Bohemia, and thus played a significant role in the history of Bohemia during the First World War and for several years after it.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished Peníze, nebo prestiž? Soudní spor o autorství Vančurových Obrazů z dějin národa českého(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Jiroušek, BohumilThe contribution deals with the legal proceedings concerning Vladislav Vančura’s Obrazy z dějin národa českého authorship, the legal proceedings was conducted in the 1970’s and 1980’s. Vladislav Vančura was writing this book at the end of the 1930’s, while some papers (historical facts) were submitted by young historians Václav Husa, Jaroslav Charvát and Jan Pachta. Vančura was executed during World War II but his collaborators became important representatives of the official Marxist-Leninist historiography after 1948. Above mentioned historians claimed their collaboration with Vladislav Vančura as an essential piece of Marxist historiography concerning the Czech history, and they also claimed a part of the royalty. Vladislav Vančura’s heirs and the publishing house refused further payments in the 1970’s and Marie Husová (Václav Husa’s widow) initiated legal proceedings (1972-1984). The legal proceedings were concluded by the statement that their contribution did not create an original work, the Marxist historians submitted only word-for-word excerpts of older, non-Marxist historiography. Besides the fact, that the Czechoslovak Marxist-Leninist Historiography founders lost their money, the litigation resulted into the fact that they also suffered moral disgrace.Článek Otevřený přístup peer-reviewedpublished „O pecunia totius mali regina, fraudis et doli amica...“ Peníze v kultuře středověku(Univerzita Pardubice, 2010) Krejčík, TomášConcepts such as money and wealth in general changed greatly in the Middle Ages. On the one hand the medieval world was permeated with the simple ideas of the barbarians, who plainly identified wealth with happiness and success. Yet on the other hand ideas began to appear and spread which were drawn from the legacy of antiquity and which judged money according to the positive and negative effect it had on society. Medieval culture was multifaceted and varied greatly from territory to territory. In this culture money could be seen on several levels. One of the most comprehensive looks at money in the culture of the Middle Ages was given by Ryszard Kiersnowski, whose work became an inspiration for later researchers. Christianity had a positive relationship towards money, and the first Christians accepted it as a normal part of life. Money at that time served as a kind of medium, the images on which disseminated a substantial ideology in society, which succumbed to the power of these images. Therefore, first of all we need to go into the iconography of medieval coins, which can be divided up into two groups – the ecclesiastical and the secular, which in many cases obviously overlap and supplement one another (F. Friedensburg). The Church’s mission to spread harmony in the Middle Ages evidently created the idea that money could become a means to allow the Christian to help the poor and powerless. This tendency can also be seen in the pictures on the coins; the coin imagery, by showing good deeds, was supposed to educate people to use the money to perform good deeds themselves. This began with the establishment of pawn shops, which helped towndwellers out of financial difficulties. The first municipal – i.e. public – pawn shop was apparently set up in Perugia in 1462 (Monte dei Poveri). In Papal Rome, after approval had been granted by the Pope in 1515, this led to the creation of an institution – Monte di Pieta, which was a precursor to the people’s banking institutions that would come later. Some pawn shops did not charge any interest, but most took the opportunity to do so. Clearly we should also point out that these charitable institutions later became standard commercial financial institutions. In the Middle Ages money-lending with interest was widespread. Usury, however, was officially prohibited and it was hard to get around this ban. Yet the effort to satisfy the surviving kin of money-lenders was so powerful that it gave rise to teaching about purgatory. The souls of money-lenders in purgatory could be helped if their surviving family members devoted themselves to pious deeds. According to J. Le Goff, teaching about purgatory could have been of great significance, as the fact that purgatory showed mercy even to money-lenders was one factor in the rise of capitalism. Purgatory became a form of hope for certain types of sinners who could not otherwise redeem themselves of their sins, but also for following certain professions which formerly led to damnation. Obviously teaching about purgatory was a somewhat uncertain course of action and when theological speculations about how to weaken the ban on usury failed, people looked for other ways to circumvent the prohibition. Sometimes a loan was disguised as a gift, to which the debtor responded with a gift that was worth more than the sum originally loaned. Other ways of getting round the ban involved a variety of sham purchases and sales. In the 15th century people thought it necessary to differentiate between illegitimate loans and “legitimate” loans; cases were generally judged according to the amount of interest. Opinions evidently differed, and eventually diet decrees set the legal rate of interest. In 1484 the Bohemian diet (Landtag) set the maximum permissible interest rate at 10 percent, which was later reduced to 6 percent. The church authorities protested against this, but with no great success. It is interesting to observe opinions concerning money-lending changed in the Unity of the Brethren. This began with the opinions of Petr Chelčický, which were in line with his radically anti-usury view of society. Later, however, the Unity of the Brethren took a less harsh stance on the issue. Medieval man was accompanied by money from the cradle, as a christening gift, to the grave, as the obol of the dead. From the first instance to the latter he used coins every day of his life, often without noticing how the money was actually using him.